TCS NQT Verbal Mock 7

In contrast to traditional analyses of minority business, the sociology analysis contends that minority business ownership is a group-level phenomenon, in that it is largely dependent upon social-group resources for its development. Specifically, the analysis indicates that support networks play a critical role in starting and maintaining minority business enterprises by providing owners with a range of assistance, from the informal encouragement of family members and friends to dependable sources of labor and clientele from the owner’s ethinic group. Such self- help networks, which encourage and support ethnic minority entrepreneurs, consist of ‘primary’ institutions, those closest to the individual in shaping his or her behavior and beliefs. They are characterized by the face-to-face association and cooperation of persons united by ties of mutual concern. They form an intermediate social level between the individual and larger ‘secondary’ institutions based on impersonal relationships. Primary institutions comprising the support network include kinship, peer and neighborhood or community subgroups. A major function of self-help networks is financial support. Most scholars agree that minority business owners have depended primarily on family funds and ethinic community resources for investment capital. Personal savings have been accumulated, often through frugal living habits that require sacrifices from the entire family and thus as a product of long term family financial behavior. Additional loans and gifts from relatives, forthcoming because of group obligation rather than narrow investment calculation, have supplemented personal savings. Individual entrepreneurs do not necessarily rely on their kin because they cannot obtain financial backing from commercial resources. They may actually avoid banks because they assume commercial institutions either cannot comprehend the special needs of minority enterprise or charge unreasonably high interest rates. Within the larger ethnic community, rotating credit associations have been used to raise capital. These associations are informal clubs of friends and other trusted members of the ethnic group who make regular contributions to a fund that is given to each contributor in rotation. One author estimates that 40 percent of New York Chinatown firms established during 1900-1950 utilized such associations as their initial source of capital. However, recent immigrants and third or fourth generations of older groups now employ rotating credit associations only occasionally to raise investment funds. Some groups, like Black Americans, found other means of financial support for their entrepreneurial efforts. The first Black-operated banks were created in the late nineteenth century as depositories for dues collected from fraternal or lodge groups, which themselves had sprung from Black churches. Black banks made limited investments in other Black enterprises. Irish immigrants in American cities organized many building and loan associations to provide capital for home construction and purchase. They, in turn, provided work for many Irish home- building contractor firms. Other ethnic and minority groups followed similar practices in founding ethnic-directed financial institutions.

A small pole about thirty centimeters long stuck up from a square box on the lab table. There was a ring, only a few centimeters across, encircling the base of the pole. The strange item would have looked a bit like a carnival ring-toss game were it not for the cord snaking out of the side of the box and the single toggle switch on top. “What the heck’s this?” Kusanagi muttered, bending down to stare at the device. “I wouldn’t touch that if I were you,” warned Kishitani beside him. “Nah, I’m sure it’s fine. If this thing were dangerous, he never would’ve left it lying out here like this.” Kusanagi flicked the switch. The moment he did so, the ring around the pole began to float upward. Kusanagi gaped. The ring was hovering in mid-air, wobbling slightly. “Try pushing the ring down,” came a voice from behind him. Kusanagi looked around as Yukawa walked into the room, a file folder cradled in his arms “Welcome back. Class?” Kusanagi asked as he turned back to the floating ring. Reaching out gingerly, he tried to push it down with his fingertips. A second later he yanked back his hand. “Yowch! That thing’s hot!” “It’s true, I’m not in the habit of leaving dangerous objects lying around. I do, however, assume a basic knowledge of physics.” Yukawa strolled over to the table and flicked off the switch. “This device is only high school-level physics, as a matter of fact.” “Well, I didn’t take physics in high school,” Kusanagi said, blowing on his fingertips. Kishitani laughed immoderately. “Who’s your friend?” Yukawa asked with a raised eyebrow. The smile vanished from Kishitani’s face and he bowed curtly. “Kishitani. I work with Detective Kusanagi. I’ve heard a lot about you, Professor. You’ve helped us out with a lot of cases, haven’t you? They call you Detective Galileo down at the station.” Yukawa frowned and waved his hand. “Don’t call me that. I don’t help out because I enjoy it, you know. I just couldn’t bear listening to Detective Kusanagi’s faulty attempts at reasoning on a certain occasion, and I made the mistake of correcting him. I’d be wary of spending too much time with him, if I were you. You might catch whatever he has that’s hardened his brain into a rock.”